ČLANCI

• Vasilije KRESTIĆ, Biskup Štrosmajer u svetlu novih izvora, 7-48  Download

SUMMARY: In the corpus of documents called Monumenta Vaticana Croatica, as a special edi-tion, vol. 1, The State Archive of Croatia, Christian Present (Kršćanska sadašnjost) and Home and World (Dom i Svijet) had published, during 1999 in Zagreb, a book under the title Correspondence Josip Juraj Strossmayer – Serafin Vannutelli 1881-1887. At the time, Vanutelli was the Pope’s Nuncio in Vienna. The correspondence consists of 110 letters, out of which only 20 written by Vanutelli. Beside 90 letters written by Strossmayer, there are also 17 various contributions. The originals of this correspondence are kept in The Secret Vatican Archive, in the series called the “Archive of the Nunciature of Vienna”. This correspondence is of secret diplomatic nature, and it has been unknown in historiography so far. The whole correspondence between two Roman-Catholic prelates was in Latin language. All documents have been printed in parallel way, in Latin and in Croatian translation.

The content of the correspondence between Strossmayer and Vanutelli is various,but it is mostly related to the issues of religion. Beyond any doubt it is very important for understanding the personality of the Bishop of Djakovo Josip Juraj Strossmayer, as well as for explanation of his religious and secular policies.

In this article dedicated to the correspondence between Strossmayer and Vanutelli, the most stressed issue was Storssmayer`s position regarding Serbia and Montenegro,Serbs and Orthodoxy, Bishop’s attitude towards Bosnia, Austro-Hungary, dynasty of Hapsburgs, Hungary and Hungarians, union and process of union of two churches, Jews and masons, Protestants and Protestantism. He had paid attention to all those questions, and he had wrote about them to Vanutelli sincerely, but secretly from the public, and by opening his hearth, he had pointed out his views and explained his intentions and aims.

The correspondence with nuncio Vanutelli is full of information regarding the Concordat between the Saint Seat at one, and Montenegro and Serbia at the other side. Formally,by that Concordat the question of small numbers of Roman-Catholics in Montenegro and Serbia should have been solved. However, on the basis of the Strossmayer letters, it could be understood that by the rights that should have been obtained by the Roman-Catholic Church in two Serbian lands, the very fast conversion of the Orthodox population would have been possible. That was the main reason, and not as it was proclaimed the very small number of local Roman-Catholics, that the Bishop of Bosna and Djakovo and Srem and Vicar Bishop of Belgrade and Smederevo J.J. Strossmayer had tried hardly to accomplish the Concordat. As much as he cared for the Concordat with Serbia, he cared even more for the Concordat with Montenegro. He had assumed that Montenegro was weaker considering the matters of religion, so that, for the Roman-Catholic Church it would have been much easier and faster to take the roots there then in Serbia.

By the correspondence between two high Roman-Catholic prelates the issue of liturgy in the ancient Slavic language had been finally demystified. It is quite clear now that Strossmayer was not in favor of introducing of Slav language in liturgy for some pan-Slav or pro-Yugoslav feeling, for emotional and sentimental reasons, but because of the fact that he had thought that the liturgy in Latin was very hard to be understood and acceptable for the South Slavs, and that it had represented almost invincible obstacle for the Orthodox population to accept the Catholicism. It means that the practical reasons, subordinated to the interests of the Roman-Catholic Church had led the Bishop to raise his voice in favor of the ancient Slav language.

In the letters concerning the Concordat, there are a lot of interesting and very valuable information regarding Serbia and Montenegro, political conditions in those countries and Strossmayer evaluations regarding the capability or incapability of Prince Nikola and King Milan or some other outstanding personalities. The special attention should be paid to the Bishop’s views regarding the rearrangement of the Balkans as one “brotherly federation of different nations”, in which Austrian influence would be dominating, which would also contribute to the important influence of “catholic Croatia” serving to the interests of the whole Empire and Hapsburg dynasty.

In this correspondence there are not even some traces of Strossmayer inclination towards the Yugoslav idea, real brotherhood and unity, harmony and equality. Quite opposite, everything is strongly influenced by the Roman-Catholic faith, Croatia and Croats.

• Darko TANASKOVIĆ, Osmanizam juče i danas, 49-64  Download

SUMMARY: In the world today, there exist two dominant perceptions regarding modern Turkey. According to one opinion, Turkey is the only secular republic and only real democracy in the whole Islamic world, and as such it should serve as an example for the other Muslim states. The other opinion, that has been created for the last ten years is that awakened Islamism step by step denies values and institutions of the Ataturk’s republic, out of which only the scene set would remain. Although there is some truth in both perceptions, there are respectively one-sided and too much simplified, so it is not possible, by using either of them, to explain the nature of complex social and political movements and processes in the State which plays very important role in the international relations.

The duration of heritage of revolution perpetuated by Ataturk, as severe discontinuation with the centuries of the Ottoman past is indisputable, and probably irreversible in a certain level. On the deeper level of the social structure, the new stage of the trans-historian Turkish expansionistic and imperialistic continuation has been present, this time in a form of neo-Ottomanism. The internal and external political forms of neo-Ottomanism are adapted for the conditions of new, changed times and international configuration on the regional and global level, after the end of the “Cold War”. The state policy of Turkey could be, very unbiased, determined as great statehood neo-Ottoman nationalism, with the elements of pan-Turkism, more or less exposed. In creation of the convenient social conditions for accomplishing long-term project of neo-Ottomanism, majority of political groups, as well as decisive centers of power of the Turkish society are included. Its main protagonist is pro-European and pro-Western orientated leading elite, mainly of Balkan origin, i.e. from the Ottoman province of Rumelia. Moderate Islamism is only one part of actual neo-Ottomanism, and surely not its main characteristic.

• Bogumil HRABAK, Promet soli u Skadru i Bojani u XIII, XIV i XV veku, 65-83  Download

SUMMARY: On the basis of the published documents from Venice (Listine, J. Valentini, F. Thi-riet) and unpublished documents of Dubrovnik origin, the author has described supply and trade of salt. Salt had been first imported trade object and together with mercury it had been,mostly, a part of boat cargo, regardless the fact that the transportation costs were very high,and that the salt itself did not have high value. The salt was needed for cattle, as well as for preparing of canned meat, which could have been eaten for months. The author has described two neighboring market places – St. Srdj in Bojana and Skadar. St. Srdj had been mentioned as a market place for the first time in the XII century, and, as a part of the Serbian state, it has flourished, with its customs officials and main ruler’s renters from Dubrovnik. Under the government of Balšići, the market place had not developed, and the same happened with Skadar itself. For the short period of time (1392-1395) it was under the Turkish rule. Skadar, as a permanent salt market place, had been mentioned for the first time in 1334. Du-ring the time, it had supplied Dagnum, Drivastum, and it had coordinated its activity with Lesh, especially regarding the issue of leveling the price. At the first time, salt had been coming from Durres, with the monopolistic right, but during the time it had been shown that the production of those salt factories had not the possibility to fulfill the needs of wider markets. That is the reason that the salt originated from Vlora had appeared in the region of Bojana, but that had been considered as smuggling for a long period of time. During the XV century the most reliable supplier was Corfu. That trade had decreased during the war bet-ween the Ottoman Empire and Venice (1463-1479), and afterwards the salt trade had just slightly improved.

The trade of salt had not only been very important, but it also brought a considerable income, as for the local region, as well as for Venice itself. In exchange for salt, wheal, wool and some other articles were obtained, on very low prices. The commissions to Skender-beg and Serbian despots had been paid from the money obtained from the salt trade. The author has determined the prices of salt, prices of very expensive boat transportation,storage, monopoly, smuggling and robbery of salt by the local inhabitants. The money earned for salt had been used for salaries of the local Venetian administrators, for reconstruction of the city walls and for construction of houses after the fire.

• Dragi MALIKOVIĆ, Italijanski kreditori u Kotoru u prvoj polovini XIV veka, 85-107  Download

SUMMARY: During the fist half of the 14thcentury many Italians had financed the trade activities in Kotor. It had usually been the trade of the Italian textile and other artisan products by the mean of credit line. The financiers from Venice had been specially active in financing the trade activities in Kotor. It is understandable, regarding the fact that at the time, and even later, Kotor and its surroundings were under the authority of Venice.

Beside the financiers from Venice in the first half of the 14^th century, the trade in Kotor had also been financed, although rarely, the financiers from the other Italian centers. In this respect, the financiers from Florence, Marka of Ancona, Milan, Bartlet, Trania and other Italian regions should be emphasized.

• Čedomir LUČIĆ, Plenidbene akcije iz Crne Gore krajem 16. i u 17. vijeku, 109-123  Download

SUMMARY: At the end of the 16th, and especially during the 17thcentury there were numerous actions from Montenegro on the territories of Herzegovina and Dubrovnik. Those were the actions of seizure of goods, which had provoked the strong reactions of the inhabitants and authorities of the Republic of Dubrovnik.

By the end of the war for Morea, the attacks of Montenegrins against the territory of Dubrovnik had become more often, and during the 18thcentury, the attacks in the neighboring regions, i.e. border regions were almost constant.

• Branko BOGDANOVIĆ, Razvoj policije u Knjaževini i Kraljevini Crnoj Gori, 125-147  Download

SUMMARY: The development of the modern state administration, with efficient executive apparatus in Montenegro in 18thand 19thcentury had been linked to various problems. The biggest obstacle represented the patriarchal tribal social structure with very emphasized tribal particularity. The first organ of the administrative and legal authority, so called Pokroviteljstvo suda crnogorskog i brdskog (Protectorate of the Court for Montenegro and Highlands), had been established on 29^th October 1789. At the Parliament held in 1803, archimandrite Petar I (1782-1830) had established two bodies with mixed legal and executive authority – Kuluk and personal guard, perjanici. They represented the rudimentary origins of gendarmerie corpus. His successor, archimandrite Petar II Petrović-Njegoš (1831-1851) had established on 14^th October 1831 Gvardija, formation consisting of 164 Montenegrins with the executive power. However, even Gvardija had some legal duties. Organ more similar to the gendarmerie in the modern sense of the word was reorganized perjanici corpus, but at the beginning there were only 8 of them.

The first secular ruler of Montenegro, prince Danilo I Petrović (1852-1860) had transformed step by step Gvardija to the elite, purely military formation, while perjanici still had performed the function of the executive organs of the central power. Beside that, Danilo tried to enlarge the administration of the local organs of authority; the number of captaincy had increased to 50, and the captains had local military, administrative, legal and executive power.

The prince Nikola I Petrović (1860-1910, and king from 1910-1918) had disbanded the battalion of Garda, but he also had incorporated perjanici in the Army, as a tactical formation similar to the company, in charge of his personal security. As a substitute for archaic perjanici, in 1903 regional police gendarmerie was established, with unique uniforms and arms. In comparison to the gendarmerie in Serbia, France or Austro-Hungary in Montenegro it was only under authority of the Minister of the internal affairs. Only in the case of war, military gendarmerie of 80 soldiers could be created out of the police forces.

• Đorđe BOROZAN, Albanci u Jugoslaviji u Drugom svjetskom ratu, 149-164  Download

SUMMARY: Use and misuse of the Albanian ethnic population in Yugoslavia during the years of the Italian and German occupation in the Second World War had revealed and led to the antagonism between the Albanians on the one and Serbs and Montenegrins on the other side in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Non-acceptance of the Yugoslav state and minority rights had made the Albanians the “fabricated body” in the political organism of the State, which had tried, according to the principles proclaimed by the Versailles treaty and Charter of the League of Nations dated 1919-1920, to be a “State of Reconciliation”, unity and integrity. Since the times of the fascist-nazi revision of the map of Europe and the world, the map based on the decisions of the Peace Conference held in Paris in 1919-1920 and the revision which had started by the Munich agreement from 1938, the separatism of the Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, sponsored by the Italian and German political circles, had become the strong resistance movement, called by Mussolini and Ciano “a feeble light at the end of corridor”. It was used to encourage, when needed, the Albanian irredentism against neighboring states and nations. Since the occupation of Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the conditions created by the occupation regimes, the Albanians in Yugoslavia, especially those who found themselves within the “borders” of the Italian-Albanian Protectorate called the “Greater Albania”, had been the main stream of the Albanian nationalism, Chauvinism, as well as the perpetrators of the violence, murders, pillages and persecution of the settled Serbs and Montenegrins, as well as of native inhabitants. The tragic balance-sheet of this exodus, with the proclaimed aim of the “defense of Kosovo” and creation of “ethnic Albania” was, on one side over 11.000 victims, around 50.000 inhabitants expelled by force and 20.000 native inhabitants, and on the other side over 70.000 immigrants from Albania and other regions. By settling of those immigrants, the demographic and ethnic picture of the Yugoslav territory,which was from April 1941. to the end of November 1944 a part of the fascist protectorate called the “Greater Albania”, had been deeply changed.

• Milica BODROŽIĆ, Socijalni sastav partijskih i skojevskih organizacija NOVJ Crne Gore i njihova partijsko-politička delatnost, 165-188  Download

SUMMARY: The author emphasizes that Montenegro was mostly agricultural country with a small number of workers and educated persons. Then, she presents the data regarding the development of the armed struggle and establishing of brigades from Montenegro and region of Sandžak. The author also concludes that the workers of Montenegro, as well as peasants, pupils and other educated person had deeply suffered to liberate themselves from the occupation and to win a victory over fascism.

On the basis of the published first-grade documents, the authors chronologically follows the social composition of the Party and Communist Youth League of Yugoslavia units by the Yugoslav Liberation Army for Montenegro and its party and political activities.

On the basis of the research conducted by Milija Stanišić, the social structure of the leader-ship of the Montenegrin units in mid 1941 is also mentioned. The social composition of the party organizations, candidates and Communist Youth League of Yugoslavia could also be clearly seen. In those organizations, the peasants presented the majority, and then there ca-me intellectuals and workers. The author had also painted the image of the leaders-intellectuals (again on the basis of the research conducted by Milija Stanišić), and states that the intellectuals made 77%, peasants 12% and worker 7% of Montenegrin leaders of the National Liberation War.

The author concludes that the social structure of the units of the Yugoslav Liberation Army for Montenegro, as well as their party organizations and Communist Youth League of Yugoslavia organization had influenced to the high combat capability and moral, but that they were under the influence of other important factors such as love for freedom and warfare tradition of the Montenegrins.

PRILOZI

• Miomir DAŠIĆ, Mišel Oben – Njegošolog evropskog ugleda, 189-195  Download
• Boško MIJANOVIĆ, Neki momenti u odnosima između države i Mitropolije crnogorsko-primorske poslije II svjetskog rata, 197-205  Download
• Žika BUJUKLIĆ, Dve iščezle budvanske porodice: Čalak i Đina (zvane “Dibrani”), 207-217  Download
• Nada TOMOVIĆ, Uloga crnogorskog konzulata u Skadru u razvoju trgovine između Crne Gore i Turske krajem XIX i početkom XX vijeka, 219-224  Download
• Vukić ILINČIĆ, Kako su listovi “Glas Crnogorca” i “Cetinjski vjesnik” obavještavali crnogorsku javnost o sudskom procesu u Kolašinu 1909. god., 225-233  Download

ISTRAŽIVANJA I IZVORI

• Irina SMIRNOVA, NA RUSKOM, 235-255  Download

ISTORIOGRAFIJA

• Miloš STAROVLAH, Vječito mlada knjiga starostavna (Povodom knjige monaha Gavrila Trojičanina, Vrhobreznički ljetopis, Knjiga starostavna iz iz 1650, Priredili: Vladeta Cvijović i Branislav Kovačević, Podgorica 2000), 257-262  Download
• Mihailo VOJVODIĆ, Novija istorija Crne Gore pod lupom nauke (Povodom knjige akademika Miomira Dašića, Ogledi iz istorije Crne Gore, studije o događajima od kraja XVIII vijeka do 1918, Podgorica 2000), 263-269  Download
• Branislav KOVAČEVIĆ, Jugoslovensko-sovjetski odnosi (1953-1955) u svijetlu novih istorijskih izvora (Povodom knjige Radoice Luburića, Pomirenje Jugoslavije i SSSR-a 1953-1955. Tematska zbirka dokumenata, Podgorica 1999), 271-279  Download
• Čedomir M. LUČIĆ, Stvaralac kao samoizdavač (Povodom tri samostalno objavljene knjige prof. dr. Bogumila Hrabaka: Nikšić do početka 19. vijeka, Beograd 1997; Foča do kraja 18. veka, Beograd 1999; i Podgorica do početka 19. vijeka, Beograd 2000.), 281-284  Download

POLEMIKE

• Milija STANIŠIĆ, Neistine i zablude, 285-301  Download

PRIKAZI I BILJEŠKE

• Vladimir JOVIĆEVIĆ, Dr Zoran Lakić, Ogledi iz istorije Jugoslavije, Univerzitet Crne Gore i Filozofski fakultet, Podgorica-Nikšić 1999, 314, 303-305  Download
• Saša KNEŽEVIĆ, Slobodan G. Marković, British perceptions of Serbia and the Balkans 1903-1906, Paris 2001, 247, 307-309  Download
• Živko M. ANDRIJAŠEVIĆ, Šerbo Rastoder, Janusovo lice istorije, Vijesti, Podgorica 2000, 335, 311-314  Download
• Zoran LAKIĆ, Radosav Zeković, Đavolje vrijeme, Život sa Golim otokom, Beograd 2000, 181, 315-317  Download
• Arsen ĐUROVIĆ, Mihailo Vojvodić, Srbija i balkansko pitanje (1875-1914), Matica srpska, Novi Sad 2000, 475, 319-322  Download
• Ema MILJKOVIĆ-BOJANIĆ, Miloš Blagojević, Istorija srpske državnosti, knjiga I, Od nastanka prvih država do početka srpske nacionalne revolucije, Novi Sad 2000, 381, 323-325  Download
• Petar T. RAKOČEVIĆ, Dragiša Rašović, Kolašin u slobodi – zapisi i prilozi, “Print”, Podgorica 1999, 206, 327-330  Download
• Zoran LAKIĆ, Veljko Sjekloća, Krsto Popović u istorijskoj građi i literaturi, Podgorica 1998, 396, 331-333  Download
• Ema MILJKOVIĆ-BOJANIĆ, Boško I. Bojović, Raguse (Dubrovnik) et L`Empire Ottoman (1430-1520), Les actes imperiaux ottomans en vieux-serbe de Murad II a Selim I, Association Pierre Belon, Paris 1999, 414, 335-337  Download

HRONIKA

• Vjera MITROVIĆ, Međunarodni naučni skup “Arhivska građa kao izvor za istoriju”, Beograd 15-16. maj 2000., 339-340  Download
• Saša KNEŽEVIĆ, Naučni skup “Na izvoru Vukova jezika”, Žabljak, 24. i 25. jul 2000., 341-342  Download
• Snežana RISTIĆ, Naučni skup “Društvo i kulturni identitet pljevaljskog kraja”, Pljevlja 18-19. novembar 2000., 343-344  Download

IN MEMORIAM

• Dr Čedomir Pejović (1928-2000), (Zvezdan FOLIĆ), 345-346  Download