ČLANCI

• Radoslav RASPOPOVIĆ, Značaj međunarodnog priznanja u procesu izrastanja državnopravnog subjektiviteta Crne Gore, 9-30  Download

ABSTRACT: In this paper, the author deals with the question of formation of the state and legal subjectivity of Montenegro after it gained independence pursuant to the decisions of the Congress of Berlin. The decisions of the Congress were a milestone in the history of Montenegro and its statehood on both internal and foreign levels. Apart from improving the state apparatus in the normative and actual sense, they created space for the development of social relations on an economic, educational, cultural and, in a word, civic level, thus transforming Montenegrins from the status of “subjects” into citizens of an internationally recognized member of the international community.

• Saša MARKOVIĆ, Francuska štampa i Berlinski kongres, 31-41  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with the treating of the Congress’ of Berlin decisions in the French press, which denied the right to young Slavic-Balkan people to become the nations, all in the name of the peace, European political balance and higher French interests. This work presents an insight into interesting political, historical and sociological topic, which is rarely treated by the modern historiography and political science.

• Živko M. ANDRIJAŠEVIĆ, 1878. godina kao granica epoha, 43-55  Download

ABSTRACT:One of the epochs in history of Montenegro ended in 1878. The international and foreign political position was changed then, as well as the frame of its national political activities, of social, economical, and culturological environment. Changes in these domains had been expected, but it seems that it had not been anticipated how deep they would be and where would lead. What is also important, some of them had not been expected previously, so they forced the winners from the recent war to act accordingly, though involuntarily. It is obvious that Cetinje had no real knowledge about the area that was planned to be annexed to Montenegro before 1878. Another unexpected thing was the inadequate change of the international position of the state emerging from the Austro-Hungarian occupation of the Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially the legitimacy of its newly-established control. When it entered the war, Montenegrin elite thought more about the enemy than about the territories it planned to take over, which resulted in a position that it was easier to occupy the mentioned areas with arms than by adequate institutions.

• Stjepan MATKOVIĆ, Crna Gora u pogledima hrvatske politike, 1878-1918., 57-67  Download

ABSTRACT: In accordance with the researched topic, this article focuses on outlining the attitude of Croatian political elite and public towards Montenegro in the period from 1878 until the end of World War I; in other words, from the important decisions of the Congress of Berlin until the creation of the first Yugoslav state, when the dynamics of political tendencies led to changes with lasting effects.

• Karl KASER, Austro-Hungary and the Independence of Montenegro, 69-78  Download

ABSTRACT: Until the outbreak of the Balkan Crisis in 1875, the Monarchy’s foreign politics of non-intervention into Balkan conflicts aimed at enabling the Ottoman Empire to solve its problems on itself. At the beginning of 1875, the minister for foreign affairs, Andrássy was alarmed by a not unlike intervention of Serbia and Montenegro in Bosnia-Herzegovina and its eminent consequences for the security of Dalmatia. Therefore, the occupation of the two Ottoman provinces became an open aim of his foreign policy. Another aim was to prevent a potential unification of Serbia and Montenegro. A sovereign status of Montenegro was a much better option. The paper’s first section will provide a short sketch of the Habsburg Balkan policy from about the Congress of Vienna (1814/15) to the Congress of Berlin (1878); the second will present an overview of the bilateral relations between the Habsburg Empire and the emerging state of Montenegro until 1878; the third section, finally aims to shed light on the Empire’s ambitions related to Montenegro at the Congress of Berlin.

• Bernard LORY, Derviš paša: un acteur meconnu de la crise d’orient, 79-89  Download

ABSTRACT: In this paper, the author deals with military and political career of the Ibrahim Dervish-Pasha (1817-1896). There was specially emphasized his role in the Eastern Crisis and Ottoman – Russian war 1877-1878, as well as the League of Prizren. The author specially points out the role of Ibrahim Dervish-Pasha in the first (1852-1853) and second (1862) campaign of Omer-pasha Latas against the Montenegro and in turnover the Ulcinj in 1880.

• Antonello BIAGINI & Andrea CARTENY, A close relationship: Italy and Montenegro after 1878, 91-96  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with the relations between Montenegro and Italy after Italian Risorgimento and international recognition of the Montenegrin independence 1878. There was emphasized the role of the Italian representatives Giuseppe Otolengi, member of the International commission for establishing the state’s border according the decisions of the Congress of Berlin, and Cesare Durando, Italian diplomatic representative in Montenegro. Author also describes the sources in Italian archives for research of Italian-Montenegrin relations from 1878. until second half of XX century.

• Slavko BURZANOVIĆ, Crnogorske misije Česara Durandoa, 97-109  Download

ABSTRACT: The present paper deals with the missions of Mr. Cesare Durando to Montenegro during his acting in the capacity of both a special diplomatic emissary in the time of Montenegrin-Turkish War of 1876-1878 and the Chargé d’Affaires in the Italian Legation in Cetinje between 1879-1883.

• Saša KNEŽEVIĆ, Velike sile prema zahtjevima Crne Gore u aneksionoj krizi, 111-123  Download

ABSTRACT: Montenegrin foreign policy goals have not been fully achieved by gaining the independence at the Congress of Berlin. It was a common opinion of its leadership that the state, territorially enlarged and internationally recognized, had yet to fulfill some its ambitions. The most suitable moments for accomplishing these tasks were the times of international crises, when the order established by the Great Powers at the Congress of Berlin became violated. The one of them was the crisis developed in the fall of 1908 by Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The largest number of official documents, governmental memos, notes, letters, telegrams and other diplomatic correspondence that revealed Montenegrin wishes and intentions regarding its position in this question date from the mentioned few months of annexation crisis. These claims were not equally addressed to the all Great Powers, but the majority of them, the greatest and most determined, were a part of the correspondence with Russia.

• Я. В. ВИШНЯКОВ, Сербо-черногорские отношения и боснийский кризис 1908-1909 гг, 125-137  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with the diplomatic background of the events between the Austrian-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the preparations for the First World War. It provides details of the involvement, interests and actions of the diplomatic and intelligence services of the Russian and Austrian-Hungarian empires, as well as the related activities of the Serbian and Montenegrin governments. While the policy of Vienna was to secure the expansion further into the Balkans, where the annexation of Bosnia represented only the first step, Serbia and Montenegro sought their own territorial enlargement and regarded the Austro-Hungarian activities as an open threat. Due to the complex imperial relations with Austrian-Hungarian Empire and her efforts elsewhere, Russia considered it would be highly inconvenient if hostilities broke out in the Balkans at that time, and it influenced Serbia and Montenegro to turn they attention toward south and south-east. The Balkan Wars were the outcome of such policy, which further shifted the political balance in the region and led to preparations for the final showdown.

• Senka BABOVIĆ-RASPOPOVIĆ, Prva decenija crnogorske državne nezavisnosti (1878-1888) – put ka Evropi, 139-146  Download

ABSTRACT: In the first decade of the Montenegrin state independence, processes of constituting a modern were initiated according to the principle “Conservation par le progress”. The processes of “conservation through progress” were based on a weak heritage and were conducted in ultimately reduced economic conditions.

• Momčilo PEJOVIĆ, Crnogorci na školovanju u inostranstvu kao stipendisti stranih vlada i država, 147-165  Download

ABSTRACT: Throughout the 19th century there had been modest educational opportunities and conditions for the education of Montenegrin youth within Montenegro. These were somewhat improved solely with the opening of the Seminary, the Theological – Teacher Training School, the Girls‘ Institute and the Gymnasium at Cetinje in the second half of the 19thcentury. The established educational institutes contributed to the increase in the number students being educated within Montenegro and those who, upon finishing these schools, left to continue their education outside the Montenegrin borders, i.e. Abroad.

The political reputation of Montenegro among the European public, as well as the political and poetic popularity of the Prince-King Nikola I Petrović contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many European countries. With the establishment of diplomatic relations between Montenegro and the European states, there was an increase in the number of students who were educated abroad.

Certain countries and their governments, with which diplomatic relations had been established, played a significant role in offering scholarships to the students of secondary schools, colleges and universities, since they would grant several scholarships a year to Montenegrin students who were being educated abroad. Italy, France, Serbia, Russia, Turkey, Bulgaria and other countries offered scholarships to a certain number of students from Montenegro for the studies at secondary schools and university institutions in their respective countries. Upon completing their education, only one third of Montenegrin youth returned to Montenegro to work in state institutions.

• Uğur ÖZCAN, The loan agreement between the Ottoman empire and Montenegro, and financial aid to Montenegro, 167-179  Download

ABSTRACT: The relationships between Ottoman Empire and Montenegro which declared its independence in 1878 were developed to a good point, especially during Abdul Hamid and Nikola’s reign. Thanks to these good relations, loan agreements were among the financial supports. In this presentation, two loan agreements signed in order to loan to Montenegro through Ottoman Bank will be mentioned and the effect of these two loan agreements on Ottoman-Montenegro relations will be discussed.

• Dragana KUJOVIĆ, Iseljavanje muslimana iz Crne Gore nakon Berlinskog kongresa kao tema na stranicama Istorijskih zapisa, 181-188  Download

ABSTRACT: After the decisions of the Congress of Berlin and positive outcome of the war with Ottoman Empire from 1876 to 1878, Montenegro became an independent state. This paper deals with the situation which also arose from this outcome, i.e. when a great number of the Muslims population decided to emigrate from the newly formed state. They emigrated towards Bosnia and Sandzak of Novi Pazar, and the emigration saw members of all society groups who feared possible violence of new authorities and the loss of privileges. They were called “mouhadzirs” or “mouhadzers”.

The papers, which on pages of Ecrits Historiques deal with this topic can be divided into two categories: a) research papers that investigate mouhadzirs’ further destiny, directions of their migrations, reasons for emigration etc, and b) research papers dealing with the problem of emigration as the introduction to their land and properties being occupied by Montenegrin Orthodox settlers.

• Suzana RAJIĆ, Ruska diplomatija o odnosima Srbije i Crne Gore (1900-1903), 189-207  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with the complicated diplomatic and political background of the events in the courts of these two Balkan countries in early 20th century. After it had become obvious that King Alexander Obrenovic was unlikely to have successors, Russian diplomatic representatives had to deal with many different, more or less apparent interests to inherit his throne. In the eve of, and immediately after the assassination of King Aleksandar and his wife, two dynasties, Petrovic and Karadjordjevic, were seen as the main contenders, but Russia also had to deal with the position of Austrian-Hungarian Empire, that fully opposed the two Balkan states coming under the rule of the same dynasty. Since this particularly applied to the Montenegrin dynasty, and since the Russian Tsar had strictly forbidden a nomination of the Russian Grand Prince Alexander Mihailovic, Peter Karadjordjevic was elected King of Serbia.

• Gabriella SCHUBERT, Crna Gora na početku 20. veka – u očima jedne Engleskinje, 209-216  Download

ABSTRACT: Mary Edith Durham was one of the most important English mediators for the culture of the Balkan peoples and political events in the Balkans at the beginning of the 20th century. The single, energetic young woman spent years traveling alone through Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, collecting ethnographic material and recording the political situation. Moreover, she left the drawings of houses, agricultural tools, gusle, traditional clothing, etc. Between 1904 and 1928, she published 7 reports and travel memoirs in London, which had ethnographic, culturological and political contents. The historians, such as John Treadway, have used her works since the early 20th century, but she be became more famous only after her biography had been included in the National Biography of England.

• Tatjana KOPRIVICA, Crna Gora i međunarodne izložbe i drugoj polovini XIX i početkom XX vijeka, 217-238  Download

ABSTRACT: By the present text, the author deals with the participation of Montenegro in the International Ethnographic Exhibition in Moscow (in 1867), Liège (in 1905) and in London (in 1907), as well as with the preparations for the Exhibition in Vienna (in 1873) and in Paris (in 1900). The present paper emphasizes also great effects of the listed Exhibitions on diplomatic activities of Prince Nikole Petrović, particularly prior to 1878 when Montenegro was internationally recognized in the Berlin Congress.

• Adnan PEPIĆ, Novine Malumat o posjeti Knjaza Nikole Istanbulu 1899. godine, 239-248  Download

ABSTRACT: After gaining the independence at the Congress of Berlin in 1878, relations between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire were on a relatively high level. They were especially good during the reign of Prince Nikola and Sultan Abdulhamid the Second, mostly due to their mutual friendship. Such relations resulted in two visits of Prince Nikola to Istanbul, in 1883 and 1899. The second visit was widely commented in Istanbul daily newspapers. One of them was Malumat, which on several occasions published articles regarding the Prince’s visit. This paper intends to provide an overview of Malumat’s reporting on the Prince Nikola’s visit to Istanbul in 1899.

• Massimo BUCARELLI, D’Annunzio, Italy and the Independence of Montenegro 1919-1920, 249-263  Download

ABSTRACT: The aim of this work is not to focus on these well known aspects of the political and military action of D’Annunzio. Its purpose is rather to emphasize the connection between D’Annunzio’s plans, and the national questions in the Western Balkans at the end of the World War I. Above all, this paper strives to shed some light on all the initiatives taken by D’Annunzio with the aim to restore the independence of the Kingdom of Montenegro. There is no doubt, in fact, that he was one of the last political leaders in Italy and in Europe who fully supported and tried to do all he could for the survival of Montenegro as an independent and sovereign State.

Specifically, there are three crucial questions, which the paper addresses: 1) when D’Annunzio seized Fiume in 1919 and ruled the city for 15 months, did he have a global plan for the political and territorial settlement of the Western Balkans or did he have in mind only the annexation of Fiume to Italy? 2) Provided that he had a plan for the Balkan nations and countries, what was the role which Montenegro was supposed to play in that strategy? 3) Did D’Annunzio try to accomplish his political and military plans alone with his entourage, or was he supported by the Italian government, or perhaps by some Italian political and military authorities?

• Hatice ORUÇ, Ottoman Turkish Manuscripts about Montenegro in the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, 265-270  Download

ABSTRACT: There are certain papers about Montenegro composed in the process of the Berlin Treaty of 1878 and afterwards. These papers, connected with the political, military, state and foreign policy of the Ottoman State, were first written during the reign of the Sultan Abdülhamid II and also continued to be produced in the times that followed. This paper deals with works of Münif Pasha, Kâmil Kapudân, Mehmed Subhi, Ahmed Tevfîk (translation from Serbian), Ahmed Sedad and Ismail Fazıl (Cebesoy) Pasha.

These works, published in late 19th and early 20th century, were probably composed with the didactic purpose of providing information for the political and military milieu of the time and thus, they all give considerably significant information and knowledge about the history of Montenegro, its geography, administration, army, people, lifestyle and culture.

• Zoran LAKIĆ, Međunarodni položaj Crne Gore kroz istoriju i njena međunarodna politika s aspekta odnosa velikih i malih, 271-277  Download

ABSTRACT: The author deals with the international position of Montenegro throughout history from the aspect of the relation of great powers towards small countries. He looks into how historical experience and tradition affects current foreign policy.

• Žarko LEKOVIĆ, Drobnjak nakon Berlinskog kongresa, 279-293  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper deals with the situation in Drobnjak area in the north-east of Montenegro that came under its jurisdiction after the Congress of Berlin. By its decisions, Tara was marked as the border between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire. Despite a certain enlargement of territory after the war which had just ended, there were aspirations for a new enlargement in Montenegro. Due to this fact, Drobnjak was rich in events concerning the conflicts and upheavals that brought internal changes, surpassing large material shortage, and achievements in personal rights and freedom.

This period is characterized by very frequent and violent conflicts on the Montenegrin-Ottoman border and by generally unstable conditions on the territory of Drobnjak. The conflicts were relentless, along with attacks, the stealing of cattle, killings and illegal commerce, which made the life of the population difficult and sometimes even unbearable. But a strong influence from Cetinje and its instructions and advice helped to somewhat ease the situation. Ottoman authorities built many watch towers and guard houses by Tara after 1878, cutting off very strong family relations and making it impossible for the Christian population to use land and pastures on both sides of the river.

• Radenko ŠĆEKIĆ, Ideja crnogorske državne nezavisnosti u unutarpolitičkom životu Crne Gore krajem XX i početkom XXI vijeka, 295-308  Download

ABSTRACT: The paper follows an idea of Montenegrin independence during the last 130 years. In the wide range of dates important to Monte-negro, 13th July is set aside as a synonym for „Montenegro‘s stability and a symbol of freedom.” Article 26 of the Berlin Treaty defined the international legal status of Montenegro, whereby „Montenegro’s independence was recognized by the Porte and all the High Contracting Parties that have not recognized it yet.” The Article meant that the Montenegrin independence was confirmed by the countries which had not previously done it, primarily by Turkey.

July 13, 1941 is an equally important date in the modern Montenegrin history. In the decades following World War II, the significance and symbolism of July 13 was constantly emphasized in the Montenegrin public, as a date which should personify the free spirit and individuality of Montenegro, its courage and devotion to the ideals of honor and freedom.

During 1992, the question of state status, i.e. of Montenegro staying united with Serbia in the form of FRY, represented a battlefield between the government and a portion of the opposition which advocated the independence of Montenegro. A referendum on the status of Montenegro was organized, and the option to stay within the federation won the support of over 90% of voters. Nevertheless, Montenegro continually sought to increase its sovereignty and independence from the federal state by transferring functions from the federal to a republic level, which reached its culmination at the referendum in May 2006.

• Miomir DAŠIĆ, Politički i vojni odnosi Crne Gore i Osmanskog carstva 1878-1884, 309-323  Download

ABSTRACT: This essay provides an overview of political and military relations of the Princedom of Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire from the Congress of Berlin in 1878, decisions of which Montenegro became territorially enlarged and internationally recognized as an independent country, until 1884 when the Istanbul Convention was signed between the two governments, which mainly settled the border disputes between the two previously bitter enemies. The Treaty of Berlin outlined the borders between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire, but in drawing and marking the borders on site, there were serious disputes over marking the borders, dual ownership, mutual traffic, compensation for the property of Turkish subjects who emigrated from Montenegro, and over other problems on both sides of mutual border. Montenegrin government and the Porte initially contended over surrendering urban towns which the Ottoman Empire was in obligation to cede over to the Montenegrin state under the Treaty of Berlin (Kolašin, Podgorica with Spizza and Žabljak fortresses) along with certain territories (Lower Zeta, part of Vasojevići from the river Zlorečica to Lim), over establishing borders between Upper and Lower Vasojevići (between Trepča and Vinicika), the Šekular territory and other regions along the southeast Montenegrin border.